Routes of Vulnerability: Migration, Smuggling, and Human Trafficking Across Africa

Introduction

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime distinguishes human trafficking as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of people through force, fraud or deception, with the aim of exploiting them for profit.” However, defining migrant smuggling does not require the element of exploitation needed in trafficking. Smuggling must be consensual, as it is “the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of the illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national or permanent resident”. 

Knowing the distinct difference between the two permits, the migrant smuggling and human trafficking situations in Africa must be analyzed. Motivations for forced migration can vary from climate change to political violence, which ultimately affect the Northern African and the Horn of Africa regions the most. Consequently, the ways to solve the problem become more complex, as nations must adopt a multi-pronged approach to tackle it.

The Routes: Northern Africa

There are many contributors to the rise in migrant smuggling and human trafficking. Rising temperatures and erratic rainfall all contribute to a growing decline in domestic food production. Algeria experienced a 12.2% decline in food affordability between 2019 and 2022, and Morocco witnessed a deterioration in its wheat production for the 2022/23 forecast, which was predicted to be well below historic averages. The war in Ukraine has also exacerbated the problem since North Africa relies heavily on imported wheat. These “polycrises” have resulted in aggravated governments and citizens seeking evasion.

In the Northern region of Africa, migrant smuggling is more prevalent, as it serves as the main corridor for migrants seeking refuge in Europe. Although the media and politicians commonly depict these migrants as victims of human traffickers and smuggling networks, migrants typically pay for one difficult section of the journey, usually involving a border crossing, at a time.

The routes throughout the region date back to the 1970s and 80s, when wars in the Sahel and drought introduced two types of mobility. Firstly, work-related mobility, where former nomads and tribes sought to work on construction sites and oil fields. Second, conflict-related mobility, who eventually settled in Libya, Algeria, Mauritania, and Egypt. The 1973 Libyan oil crisis led to a significant labour movement to the neighbouring country of Algeria, as nationals refused to work in the oil wells due to the harsh weather conditions. In addition to this, Libya’s immigration policies, growing instability, civil wars, and economic decline in several parts of West and Central Africa also contributed to increasing trans-Saharan migration from the mid-1990s onward.

The majority of migrants enter the Maghreb—Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya—overland from Agadez in Niger, as it is situated on a historical junction of trade routes that extend deep into West and Central Africa. Between 65,000 and 120,000 sub-Saharan Africans enter the Maghreb annually, with 70% to 80% believed to migrate through Libya and 20% to 30% through Algeria and Morocco. If the person enters through Libya, then the route takes them towards coastal cities where they attempt to gain access to Monaco and Italy via boat. In contrast, the route from Algeria is ever-changing. Originally, migrants would make their way to coastal cities and then take a boat to Spain; however, due to intensified border patrolling in the Strait of Gibraltar, some migrants have moved further southward to the Western Sahara in order to reach the Canary Islands.

Not everyone makes it to Europe. Whether that be due to lack of funds or exhaustion, those migrants then form communities in various countries. Mauritania and Algeria have at least 100,000 migrants, Libya houses 1-1.5 million, and Egypt houses 2-4 million migrants. Tunisia and Morocco house smaller but growing sub-Saharan immigrant communities of several tens of thousands. This population places a significant strain on these North African countries, which are already struggling with political instability, violence, climate change related damage, etc.  

Migration to Europe and the Gulf States continues to be a central and dominant trend in this region, and considerable migrant smuggling routes to, within, and from North Africa host notable populations of international migrants. 

Instability: Horn of Africa 

The Horn of Africa is traditionally defined as the area that encompasses Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea. A broader definition includes Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, and Sudan, collectively known as the Greater Horn. One of the driving factors causing migrant migration in the region is violence political instability. Many are forced to migrate due to war and famine, and while many choose to go willingly, the region faces more human trafficking than its Northern counterpart. 

The civil wars and conflicts are perpetuated primarily by militias and militant Islamist groups, and insurgencies. Examples of these conflicts include the war in Sudan, where the primary groups involved are the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Recent satellite images released by Yale School of Public Health’s Humanitarian Research Lab exhibit evidence of continuing mass killing during October 27th and 28th of 2025 when RSF took control of El-Fasher. The war has continued to drive cross-border displacement as it has increased by 22% in Libya (313,000), 12% in Chad (863,501), 12% in Uganda (79,693), 7% in the Central African Republic (45,184), 6% in South Sudan (1,156,949) and 4% in Ethiopia (74,594).

These conflicts do not remain within borders; political and security challenges faced by one state are interlinked with the development of its neighboring states. In the past few years, the dangers of the conflicts in Ethiopia and Sudan have significantly contributed to the fragility of the region and undermined regional cooperation. Competitors in various regions are each impacting spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa, and enabling external actors to “more easily undermine democratization, peace processes, security sector reform, and inclusive political settlements.”

The other major causes for these refugee flows include inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts and communal land disputes, which are worsened by environmental disasters. Additionally, the rapid growth of the labor force has compelled many youths to migrate, as the economy is unable to meet job demand.

Currently, hundreds of thousands of people are displaced in the Horn of Africa. The region’s migrants have primarily moved along three routes: the Eastern route through Yemen, the Middle East and beyond; the Northern route through Sudan, and either through Libya and on to Europe (Central Mediterranean Route) or through Egypt to Israel (Sinai Route); and the Southern route through Kenya, Tanzania and onwards to South Africa.

The movements of migrants in the Horn of Africa account for 52% of all movements, putting much strain on the nations in the Great Horn. These movements were exacerbated by the closing of one of the largest refugee camps in Kenya due to threats of Islamist extremist organizations hiding within the camps, responsible for killing 147 students in neighboring Garissa University in 2015. Irregular migration remains prevalent as conflict and violence continue to shape internal or cross-border displacement. 

The Pipeline: From Fleeing to Captivity

Forced migration remains the key factor in the pipeline from migration to human trafficking. In 2016, there were 5.3 million registered international refugees in Africa, with Uganda, Ethiopia, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo hosting the highest numbers. In addition to this figure, the UNODC estimates that at least 2.5 million migrants were smuggled in 2016 in exchange for an estimated USD 5-5.7 billion, making smuggling a significant part of some local economies.

There is a growing number of commercial migration agencies, intermediaries, or migration brokers that aid in facilitating migration. These networks have become more complex and professionalized, using social media and online services to gain access to more information and a wider audience. A UNODC report found that in Nigeria, 28% of smuggling recruitment is conducted through modern information and communication technologies, with nearly half of the migrants coming into contact with the smuggler from friends or family members. 

Once someone is in the hands of a migrant smuggler, they can face a wide range of abuses from the confiscation of documents to forced labour and extortion. Women are particularly vulnerable to crimes like sexual exploitation, rape, physical abuse and harassment, especially in informal camps or during transit through desert and jungle areas. Additionally, some smuggled migrants die during their travels, the UNODC estimates that at least 500 have lost their lives each year while crossing the Sahara Desert in Niger and Algeria. However, this number is likely higher as many deaths go unreported. 

The same actors involved in the smuggling industry may find it more profitable to collaborate or operate with trafficking networks to further exploit migrants. Victims trafficked from countries in Africa have been recorded in an increasing number of countries both internally and externally. Between 2019 and 2023, about 15,000 victims were detected outside the African continent, particularly in Europe and in the Middle East. Most of the victims in Europe were found to be adults, typically exploited in various labor industries. This type of trafficking occurs within the broader context of labour migration, often occurring while a person, seeking refuge, falls victim to false job advertisements or bargains with a trafficker instead of a smuggler. Additionally, the practice of selling migrants who have been captured by third parties for forced labour has been widely reported in North Africa. All methods of trafficking are common along African migration routes to North Africa and from there to Europe.

Similar trends are reported along the routes that lead migrants and refugees from the Horn of Africa to the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, across East African land passages and via the Red Sea to the Arabian Peninsula, into Yemen. Once at the destination, migrants are exploited to repay the debt accumulated with the smugglers who organized their travel. Female migrants are reported to be sexually exploited by being “rented” to specific “clients” for periods of time. They are often exploited as domestic workers or forced to work in the hospitality industry while male migrants are reported to be trafficked into the construction sector. In some cases, smugglers have forced migrants to work as “mules” transporting drugs and guns within Yemen.

Unfortunately, children are also trafficked for forced labor typically carried out by small-scale operators that provide services through a larger connection, for example, in mine sites, plantations or other production facilities. These operators engage families with the understanding that the child will be paid for their labor and transportation and housing will be paid for by the company. Once at the destination, however, the debt is bought by the exploiters for the additional expenses, is inflated, and children are forced to work, trapped in a debt bondage scheme. These traffickers are involved in various other forms of exploitation. For youths, the traffickers are often sexual abusers leveraging the extreme poverty of the victims or their families in order to exploit them in connection with other abusers.

Another population at risk is displaced people. They were often socially outcast and isolated from opportunities and resources of the community. Such circumstances directly place them at severe risk of being trafficked by criminals seeking to profit from their vulnerabilities. Exploitation of forcibly displaced populations may occur in any place along their journey, in resettlement areas, refugee camps and away from their countries or regions of origin. UNHCR has, for example, documented some internally displaced women in camp settings forced to engage in transactional sex in exchange for food and resources.

According to the elaboration of the national data shared with UNODC for the Global Report, in 2022, nationals from African countries experiencing conflicts accounted for about 2,000 human trafficking victims detected in Europe, amounting to 7.5% of total victims detected. In 2022, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it is estimated that 26% of girls recruited by armed groups were subjected to sexual slavery, forced marriage and other forms of sexual violence during their association with armed groups. 

The African Union and United Nations

The African Union is a continental union of 55 member states that address various issues plaguing the continent. They have many agreements that address both migrant smuggling and human trafficking. These agreements are multifaceted and include enforcement and legal measures for member states to implement. 

The guidelines, developed by the African Union's Continental Operational Centre (COC), provide a structured framework for cooperation among member states, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and law enforcement agencies. With the rise of sophisticated criminal networks exploiting technological advancements, the guidelines stand to advance intelligence-sharing mechanisms to detect and prosecute cases of trafficking persons and smuggling of migrants. Key elements of the guidelines emphasize collaboration, transparency of intelligence, and the adoption of mutual legal assistance frameworks. The document also provides laws for each member state to adopt, increasing trust. This framework is critical in the prosecution of perpetrators as the increased sharing of information will make perpetrators and groups known, as well as make the law harmonious, simplifying cross-border legal process. 

Additionally, the main objective of the Migration Policy Framework for Africa (MPFA) and Plan of Action (2018 – 2030) is to better government by providing guidance on migration governance in different thematic areas. It recommends that states enhance the identification of migrant smuggling cases and the investigation and prosecution of migrant smugglers while ensuring the protection of the smuggled migrants’ rights. They are also urged to align their national legislations and counter trafficking strategies with international conventions and protocols. Because displaced persons are vulnerable to human trafficking, the MPFA includes enabling appropriate and humane screening of asylum-seekers at borders, referral to competent authorities, providing durable solutions (voluntary repatriation, local integration, resettlement) to refugees, and addressing the root causes of refugee movements.

The United Nations also has protocols and agreements which provide member states in all regions with legal guidance and implementation resources to combat smuggling and trafficking. 

The Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air, Supplementing The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime was adopted by 2000. Countries that ratify this treaty must ensure that migrant smuggling is criminalized in accordance with the Protocol’s legal requirements and they must treat the smuggled migrants humanely without prosecution. Additionally, the United Nations International Organization for Migration and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have signed a Statement of Partnership to strengthen strategic cooperation between the two organizations on transnational organized crime related to migration. This partnership will further identify priority areas of common interest for coordination and potential joint programming. They will also continue working together on existing successful collaborations, such as the recently published new guidance to help leverage administrative data on trafficking in persons.

  These treaties, protocols, and agreements, while not enforced directly by the African Union and United Nations, are enforced by other international organizations and through individual collaborations between member states. 

INTERPOL and AFRIPOL’s first joint operation against human trafficking and migrant smuggling resulted in more than 1,000 arrests worldwide and thousands of victims detected. Operation “FLASH-WEKA” used INTERPOL’s global criminal databases to aid local law enforcement and AFRIPOL in locating, intercepting and stopping criminals operating across borders. This operation rescued multiple human trafficking victims in Sri Lanka, Togo, Nigeria, and in Gulf countries where two large-scale cases of sports related human trafficking were reported.

INTERPOL also tracks down ships suspected of smuggling migrants. They work in the Sahel where they focus on the prevention of migrant smuggling across the Mediterranean towards Europe. Additionally, operations in Morocco and Tunisia have spotted migrant vessels attempting to cross into European countries like Spain and Italy.

Enhanced communication and data sharing is part of a large effort for increased transparency to solve a crime epidemic. While the African Union and United Nations have made large contributions to preventing human trafficking, there are limitations to their outreach. 

The Failures: What Can Be Done?

Because many border areas in Africa are porous and face the major challenge of limited resources combined with corruption, increased intelligence is required to strengthen border management. Through risk profiling and analyzed information, border officials can use their limited resources for targeted actions instead of broader indirect actions. To support such actions, a large streamlined way to gather, analyze, and share information between nations in Africa and among border officials need to be put in place.

In the African Union, key Assembly decisions are still not being implemented due to a disconnect between the Assembly and the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC), consisting of all member states and tasked with aligning the priorities of the Assembly with the work of the AUC.3 There is also a disconnect between the PRC and other AU organs, stemming in large part to overlapping authorities between the PRC and AUC. This fragmentization creates too many focus areas and these complicated structures' limited managerial capacity leads to inefficient working methods, poor decision-making, and a lack of accountability.

One of the biggest challenges of the African Union, however, is the fact that it is neither financially independent nor self-sustaining, relying instead on partner funding for much of its financing; its collaboration with Regional Economic Communities (RECs) being limited.

The United Nations is a more institutionalized network and does not suffer from economic inefficiencies, but does lack enforcement capabilities. In the realm of international cooperation, international organizations and institutions, such as INTERPOL, AFRIPOL, Europol (an international police cooperation,) and Eurojust (an international judicial cooperation) play a critical role. When there is formal international cooperation (based on bilateral, multilateral or regional treaties or agreements, including agreements on extradition and mutual legal assistance in criminal matters) it can allow foreign police to request the exercise of coercive powers (such as search or seizure) in a foreign jurisdiction to obtain evidence. However, informal cooperation is based on courtesy and reciprocity.

Police cooperation is hampered by lack of communication and permissions from the host country which can make investigations time consuming. Judicial cooperation is linked to police and investigative activities and relates to mutual legal assistance. Differing laws in member states make the gathering of sufficient evidence extremely difficult, as the methods used in extracting information may be prohibited (wiretapping, secure of assets, tracking, etc.). For cross border crimes like migrant smuggling and human trafficking, dual criminality is a large problem as the requesting state must prove that the criminal offence for which extradition is requested is punishable under the domestic law of both the requested and requesting States.

With the failures in international law being ingrained systemically, what can be a proposed solution for both the United Nations and African Union? 

Both organizations need strong enforcement of their agreements. Many of the preestablished agreements have comprehensive and strict frameworks for nations to implement these agreements successfully. However, because international organizations are anarchical, there is no centralized governing body to ensure all member states carry out all facets of international law. Furthermore, the African continent has the unique problem of poor infrastructures and high corruption rates. In order for enforcement there needs to be a mechanism for a fair judicial process, those institutions simply do not exist or are poor in many countries within the continent. Corruption on the local and national levels add another layer of difficulty as politicians have their own winning coalition interests as top priority rather than public goods. 

Solving the domestic issues of corruption and poor infrastructure can be done, however, it takes a leader who is willing to forgo personal gains for the betterment of the state. Additionally, an external state can step in, however, that would require the host country to relinquish some of their sovereignty. This creates a cycle of limited foreign interference and actors prioritizing their personal gains: both hamper international cooperation.

In order to effectively tackle the issues presented by international organisations, one must first solve the domestic problems within each member state and create an enforcement organ within each international organization. 

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